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Audio · 2025-04-09 · 3h 27m · 18 moments

#464 – Dave Smith: Israel, Ukraine, Epstein, Mossad, Conspiracies & Antisemitism

Dave Smith is a comedian, libertarian, political commentator, and the host of Part of the Problem podcast. Thank you for listening ❤ Check out our sponsors: https://lexfridman.com/sponsors/ep464-sc See below for timestamps, transcript, and to give feedback, submit questions, contact Lex, etc. Transcript: https://lexfridman.com/dave-smith-transcript CONTACT LEX: Feedback – give feedback to Lex: https://lexfridman.com/survey AMA – submit questions, videos or call-in: https://lexfridman.com/ ✦ AI generated

timeline · colored by role

01
Claim

The highest political value ought to be liberty, and government by its very nature is an instrument of force and tyranny — the more government you have, the less liberty you have.

Dave Smith explains Ron Paul's central thesis: liberty is the highest political value, government is inherently an instrument of force, and more government means less liberty.

transcript

Dave Smith: Well, I think it comes, it all came from kind of the same central thesis, which is that the highest political value ought to be liberty. And that the government, by its very nature, is an instrument of force and tyranny, and that, therefore, the more government you have, the less liberty you have.

02
Claim

Ron Paul is the greatest living American hero who was correct on major issues decades ahead of his time, driven purely by principle and integrity rather than political benefit.

Dave Smith describes Ron Paul as the greatest living American hero, praising his decades-long principled stand on issues, his lone dissenting votes in Congress, his incorruptibility toward lobbyists, and his character as a family man and country doctor.

transcript

Dave Smith: I think Ron Paul is like the greatest living American hero. I revere him on the level of the founding fathers, Thomas Jefferson or George Washington. Number one, I mean, all of the major issues that he was correct in his understanding of them, his diagnosis of what caused these problems and his solutions. And in hindsight, there's just like a million different examples of where almost everybody today would agree, even though his ideas were very controversial at the time, he'd be like, oh my God, if we had just listened to Ron Paul about that, we'd be so much better off. But I think there's something almost deeper than that about why Ron Paul inspires so much love from so many people is, okay, so number one, the guy, He was a champion of these views for decades when there was no payoff for it at all, where he was just kind of alone in the woods being, you know, they used to call him Dr. No, because, well, he was a medical doctor. And then he was, he would be the lone no vote in Congress, like all the time, like on the bills that the entire Congress, bipartisan agreement, everything is, and there's one vote against it, you know. and that he would be that guy. He clearly kept doing what he was doing simply because he believed it was right, not because there was any benefit for him. In fact, he dealt with a lot of headaches for the views that he had. And then he was just a genuine person of integrity. You know, he's the only congressman who I've ever heard this about, and like DC insiders, people on the Hill will say this. He was the only congressman of my lifetime who the lobbyists simply stopped visiting. He was the only one who they just stopped going to his office because they were just like, there's just no getting through to this guy. He was just not playing politics like that.

03
Claim

The highest political value ought to be liberty, and the government, by its very nature, is an instrument of force and tyranny — the more government you have, the less liberty you have.

Dave Smith argues that Ron Paul's core insight is that liberty is the highest political value, and government is inherently an instrument of force, so limited government at home and abroad is the only consistent position.

transcript

Dave Smith: I think it comes, it all came from kind of the same central thesis, which is that the highest political value ought to be liberty. And that the government, by its very nature, is an instrument of force and tyranny, and that, therefore, the more government you have, the less liberty you have. I think he also was way ahead of his time in really calling out the corruption in DC. And I think that's one of the things that's kind of, that it's a common through line between the Federal Reserve and government spending and of course, this crazy war industry that our country has. So there's a lot of components to that, but essentially Ron Paul was talking about draining the swamp way before it was like this dominant mass message. And I think Ron Paul in many ways laid down, he laid the groundwork in his 2008 and 2012 presidential campaigns for, not saying that he leads to Donald Trump, but he laid the groundwork for Donald Trump to be able to get up at the South Carolina Republican primary debate and look at Jeb Bush and say, your brother lied us into war. And to have the Republicans agree with him, these were a lot of the same people who had voted for George W. Bush twice and supported the war and even mocked their liberal, fellow countrymen for not being on board with it. And a lot of that was the work that Ron Paul did and people waking up to how messed up all these wars were.

rebuts · 1

04
Mechanism

When you drop bombs and kill innocent people, you create more enemies than you eliminate — this is the dynamic of 'insurgent math' and it applies directly to the cycle of violence in Israel-Palestine.

Dave Smith explains that military force creates blowback: every bombing that kills innocents creates new recruits for the enemy. He cites General McChrystal's 'insurgent math' — 10 minus 2 equals 20 — and argues that the cure makes the patient more sick, so the first step is to stop the cycle.

transcript

Dave Smith: And he's the one who coined the term insurgent math. 10 minus 2 equals 20. You know, it's like the more, the more you keep, I was just reading, I was rereading about this the other day because of the, you know, Trump's been bombing the Houthis in Yemen. ... every time you go in there, it's like, okay, you took out one target and then you took out three little girls and, a few, and every one of those little girls had brothers and uncles and fathers and, all of them just signed up to join the fight now ... your cure is making the patient more sick. So stop doing that and then let's see if maybe we could heal.

05
Example

The tribal impulse for revenge — the desire to 'go kill some motherfuckers' — is the primal human driver behind both sides of the Israel-Palestine conflict and the war on terror, trapping everyone in a tragic cycle of violence.

Dave Smith reflects on how the primal human instinct for tribal revenge — the same impulse that drove Americans after 9/11 to invade countries — is the fundamental driver on both sides of the Israel-Palestine conflict and the war on terror, creating a tragic cycle where everyone is caught in the same basic human pattern of retaliation.

transcript

Dave Smith: I remember one time I was arguing with a Democrat guy on a SE Cup show. I used to be a contributor on her show. And we were arguing, and it was after a terrorist attack here in New York, a fairly minor one. It was like a guy like, I think he hit someone with his car and then jumped out with a gun, and then the cops lit him up and killed him. This is like back in 2017, I think. And He claimed to be ISIS inspired. I don't remember if there was like a direct connection or not. But they were, at the time, they were like, doesn't this mean we got to step up the war in Iraq or in Syria where ISIS's stronghold is? And I remember the guy saying to me, he goes, you know, I went off on how these wars have been disasters. And he goes, yeah, but Dave, what you're saying here is we're supposed to do nothing. this just happened and now we're supposed to do nothing. And so even though this guy had a suit and tie on and we're in a cable news studio and we're in a first world country, we're in the United States of America and we're having the basic thing that he's saying is like, what do you say? You're saying we're not going to go kill some motherfuckers? like, I mean, he was just putting it as like, do something. But what's something? is dropping bombs on human beings, you know, when like, yes, some innocent people are going to die. But okay, but it's the same thing. It's the same after 9-11, we're like, we got to go fucking invade some countries right now. That's the same impulse. It's like, they killed some of our people. You think we're not going to show them who the real killers are? You think there's a chance that you could come here and that is like the most human extinct ever. It's like some other tribe just came in here and killed some people in our tribe. So what do you want to do about that? Well, I don't know. It's not going to take me too long to figure out. We're going to go kill a bunch of people in their tribe. And I do think that like that is, I think that's the major motivating factor for both sides of the Israel-Palestine conflict. I think that's the major motivator for both sides of the war on terror conflict. And it's like, that's, it's, In a way, when you look at it like that, there's something, even though it's so dark and tragic, there's something almost beautiful about it where you're like, oh, we're all caught in this same cycle.

06
Mechanism

If we think we can go around the world killing people, propping up dictatorships, and putting our military bases in the Muslims' holy land and not engender hatred from that, we do that at our own peril — the 9/11 attacks were blowback from American foreign policy, not hatred of American freedom.

Dave Smith explains that Ron Paul's analysis of 9/11 — that America's military interventions and bases in Muslim lands create hatred and blowback — was the first explanation that made sense to him, contrasting it with the official narrative that terrorists hate America for its freedom.

transcript

Dave Smith: And then Ron Paul was just like, no, look, here's the thing. If we think we can just go around the world killing people, propping up dictatorships, putting our military bases in the Muslims' holy land and not engender hatred from that, then we do that at our own peril. And I thought that was, it was such an interesting kind of, it had always been, I'm an 80s and 90s kid. And to me, it was always kind of a given that like America's number one, we're the force for good in the world. And it was like an interesting introduction to the idea that there are people outside of that who are dominated by that, who don't care for it very much. And like that, that's what 9-11 was actually about. And for me, I was living in New York City. I was 18, I think, when 9-11 happened. And that was like the moment of my childhood. It was a huge thing to live through. I mean, we were attacked. This seemed like something that could only happen in a history book. That didn't happen to America in the 90s. 2001 was basically the 90s. And it was just like, oh, finally it clicked. It was like, that makes sense. It was the first time I had ever heard like an explanation and an understanding of this whole thing that we're involved in now, from 9-11 to the terror wars, that actually just made perfect sense.

explains mechanism · 1

07
Mechanism

The United States has a massive propaganda apparatus — intelligence agencies, weapons manufacturers, and media — that creates conflicts and manufactures public sentiment for war, enabling wars that would otherwise be impossible to sell to the public.

Dave Smith describes how the military-industrial complex, intelligence agencies, and media work together to create conflicts and manufacture public support for war, citing the Gulf War as an example of a war that could not have been sold organically to the American people.

transcript

Dave Smith: It's so big and it's so sophisticated. And it's so, it's not just that there's, there's this, there's the intelligence agencies, there's the weapons manufacturers, then there's the like people in the media who are either directly or indirectly just parroting, you know what I mean, all of their talking points. And so it's not just that you can kind of like, you make money when there's a conflict, but you have this entire apparatus to like create the conflict and then create the public sentiment for that. ... the United States, the idea that in 1991, the United States of America would feel threatened by Iraq was just ridiculous. And yet they were able to do it.

supports · 1

09
Claim

You never have a right to kill innocent people — it is never morally okay — and the overwhelming onus must be on any party claiming military necessity to demonstrate that they absolutely had to do it, because the civilian-to-combatant ratio is not the right moral measure.

Dave Smith argues that killing innocent people is never morally justified, even in war, and rejects the civilian-to-combatant ratio as a meaningful ethical measure. He insists the burden of proof should be overwhelmingly on those who claim military necessity, using a thought experiment about World War II to illustrate that even a 'just' war should be mourned for every innocent death.

transcript

Dave Smith: In terms of pure libertarian theory, I think I would say that, look, you don't, you never have a right to kill innocent people. That's never morally okay. Now, there could be a scenario, just like this is true in life in general, right? Like, there's lots of things that you don't have the right to do, but you could come up with some scenario where you might be in a position where you have to do it because there were all of these extenuating circumstances... So like, in other words, by perfect theory, no, you never have the right to kill innocent people. There could be a scenario where you were like, look, we had to take this military action and some innocent people did die. And it's so tragic and awful that we had to do this, but we are certain that many more people would have died had we not done this. Now in that case, I would look at that as like, number one, it's much like killing the one person to save the 20. It's still wrong. It's still an immoral thing that you were forced into doing. It's not justified. I would say that the overwhelming onus should have to be on you to demonstrate that you absolutely needed to do that. And that's how I feel about all these wars. You know, it's not like, you know, I think that like, let's just say, like, if you could make World War II, like, you could reduce it down to the simplest caricature of what World War II is... And in order to stop them, we had to go on this bombing campaign and we only got Nazis. We only killed the bad guys and we were able to take out the Third Reich, but one eight-year-old girl died. and you did this thing that stopped the whole world from falling into subjugation. So I think almost everybody would agree, Jesus, man, you have to do that. Okay? This is, you have to do that because the whole world's going to be subjugated. There's nothing but good guys here. The Nazis are so evil. And there's one, I still would say that every single time World War II came up, we should all just be somber and we should all just think about that little eight-year-old girl who died and what a horrible thing it is that we had to do that, you know? And so, like, I mean, there are these campaigns where like, 10s of millions of people are killed. The fact that anybody's ever like spiking the football or this kind of like rah rah, we were the good ones.

provides context · 1

10
Claim

Killing innocent civilians is never morally justified in war, and the onus should be overwhelming on any military action to demonstrate it was absolutely necessary.

Dave Smith argues that killing innocent people is never morally acceptable, even in a just war. He critiques the civilian-to-combatant ratio argument used in Gaza, saying the real standard should be an overwhelming burden of proof that military action was absolutely necessary to prevent greater harm.

transcript

Dave Smith: You never have a right to kill innocent people. That's never morally okay. Now, there could be a scenario, just like this is true in life in general, right? Like, there's lots of things that you don't have the right to do, But you could come up with some scenario where you might be in a position where you have to do it because there were all of these extenuating circumstances... by perfect theory, no, you never have the right to kill innocent people. There could be a scenario where you were like, look, we had to take this military action and some innocent people did die. And it's so tragic and awful that we had to do this, but we are certain that many more people would have died had we not done this. Now in that case, I would look at that as like, number one, it's much like killing the one person to save the 20. It's still wrong. It's still an immoral thing that you were forced into doing. It's not justified. I would say that the overwhelming onus should have to be on you to demonstrate that you absolutely needed to do that. And that's how I feel about all these wars... people will argue about like in Gaza, they'll argue about the civilian to combatant ratio, which I like that to me doesn't really, that's not what counts. That's not the measure that's important.

11
Claim

Killing innocent people is never morally justified, even in war — civilian-to-combatant ratios are not the right moral measure, and the overwhelming onus must be on those who kill innocents to demonstrate it was absolutely necessary.

Dave Smith argues that killing innocent people is never morally justified, rejecting civilian-to-combatant ratios as the right metric. He argues the burden must be overwhelming on those who kill civilians to prove absolute necessity, even in a simplified World War II scenario.

transcript

Dave Smith: I would say that, look, you don't, you never have a right to kill innocent people. That's never morally okay. ... It's never self-defense to be killing innocent people. ... And the overwhelming onus should be on you to demonstrate that you absolutely have to do it. And that should be the standard. Because there's so many other standards that I see thrown out that I just think make no moral sense at all. You know, people will argue about like in Gaza, they'll argue about the civilian to combatant ratio, which I like that to me doesn't really, that's not what counts.

12
Mechanism

Benjamin Netanyahu deliberately propped up Hamas for years as a strategy to prevent a two-state solution, which culminated in the October 7th attack as the greatest failure of his approach.

Dave Smith argues that Netanyahu's strategy of propping up Hamas with Qatari money was a deliberate political tactic to divide Palestinians and avoid pressure for a two-state solution, making October 7th not just a security failure but an indictment of that entire approach.

transcript

Dave Smith: October 7th happening was an indictment of the entire occupation slash siege of Gaza and the West Bank, for that matter. It was, I think, should have probably forever destroyed the legacy of Benjamin Netanyahu, who is, you know, I mean, this isn't like George W. Bush, you know, was, I mean, he was on the job for almost a year when 9-11 happened, but it was still kind of new, you know, like it was still kind of in his first year of being president. Benjamin Netanyahu was the longest serving prime minister in Israeli history and had explicitly been like, I'm the tough right-winger who's going to be tough on these Palestinians who's going to like move away from the idea of coming to a two-state solution because this is what we need to keep us safe. Like the justification is like, I'm going to be hard on these motherfuckers because that's because I know what it takes to keep us safe. And that culminates in the worst massacre in Israeli history. And then, I mean, the other big one is that, I mean, and it's not like a, I wouldn't even say an open secret at this point. It's just out in the open. And he had this strategy of propping up Hamas for years. And so he had this strategy of propping up Hamas for a myriad of reasons. But a major part of it was that, look, man, as long as there's terrorists in power there, there's never going to be any pressure on us to give the Palestinians a state because, look, what are you telling me I got to negotiate with them? He was allowing Qatar money to float. Insisting that Qatar money float to them. When the Qatar money dried up, sent the Mossad in to insist that it gets back to him. Hundreds of millions of dollars, briefcases and cash. And he said in his own words that the reason for doing this was to keep to his words were prop up Hamas, bolster Hamas, to keep them in power so that the West Bank and the Gazans were divided and that the international community as well as of the liberal Jewish community in Israel wouldn't be able to put pressure on them to make a deal.

gives example · 1

13
Fact

Benjamin Netanyahu's strategy of propping up Hamas for years — allowing Qatari money to flow to them — was a deliberate effort to keep the Palestinians divided and avoid pressure for a two-state solution, and this culminated in the worst security failure in Israeli history on October 7th.

Dave Smith argues that Netanyahu deliberately propped up Hamas for years — insisting Qatari money flow to them — to keep Palestinians divided and avoid pressure for a two-state solution. He calls October 7th an indictment of the occupation and a devastating failure of Netanyahu's strategy.

transcript

Dave Smith: And then, I mean, the other big one is that, I mean, and it's not like a, I wouldn't even say an open secret at this point. It's just out in the open. And he had this strategy of propping up Hamas for years. ... a major part of it was that, look, man, as long as there's terrorists in power there, there's never going to be any pressure on us to give the Palestinians a state because, look, what are you telling me I got to negotiate with them? He was allowing Qatar money to float. Insisting that Qatar money float to them. When the Qatar money dried up, sent the Mossad in to insist that it gets back to him. Hundreds of millions of dollars, briefcases and cash. And he said in his own words that the reason for doing this was to keep to his words were prop up Hamas, bolster Hamas, to keep them in power so that the West Bank and the Gazans were divided and that the international community as well as of the liberal Jewish community in Israel wouldn't be able to put pressure on them to make a deal.

14
Fact

Benjamin Netanyahu had a deliberate strategy of propping up Hamas for years — allowing Qatari money to flow to them — in order to divide the Palestinians and prevent any pressure for a two-state solution.

Dave Smith details Netanyahu's strategy of propping up Hamas by insisting Qatari money flow to them, even sending Mossad to ensure the cash resumed when it dried up, so that the West Bank and Gaza would remain divided and no peace deal could be forced upon him.

transcript

Dave Smith: And he had this strategy of propping up Hamas for years. And so he had this strategy of propping up Hamas for a myriad of reasons. But a major part of it was that, look, man, as long as there's terrorists in power there, there's never going to be any pressure on us to give the Palestinians a state because, look, what are you telling me I got to negotiate with them? He was allowing Qatar money to float to them. Insisting that Qatar money float to them. When the Qatar money dried up, sent the Mossad in to insist that it gets back to him. Hundreds of millions of dollars, briefcases and cash. And he said in his own words that the reason for doing this was to keep to his words were prop up Hamas, bolster Hamas, to keep them in power so that the West Bank and the Gazans were divided and that the international community as well as of the liberal Jewish community in Israel wouldn't be able to put pressure on them to make a deal.

15
Context

Terrorism persists because it works, and it is a tragedy that the Palestinians embraced terrorism, but the party with the power — Israel — is the one that must make concessions, and it is very tough to be on strong moral footing lecturing people about how they resist when they have been subjected to decades of occupation with no rights.

Dave Smith argues that terrorism persists because it historically works, but that the Palestinians' embrace of it was a tragic miscalculation — the Zionist settlers were not like the French who could be bombed into leaving. He insists the occupying power must make concessions, and that it is hard to morally condemn resistance methods when the status quo has been indefensible for over 60 years.

transcript

Dave Smith: I mean, it's a tragedy that the Arabs embraced terrorism. I don't think it's unique to them. And in fact, you know, I think it was the Zionist militias who introduced terrorism to that part of the world. But there was also like, there, look, terrorism persists because it works. And this is true with state terrorism and with non-state terrorism. It's like terrorism has often worked for people. I think the thing, like early, I think early Yasser Arafat, I know was very influenced by the Algerians who successfully kicked the French out embracing terrorism. And it was almost like the major miscalculation of those Palestinian Arabs who did embrace terrorism was that this isn't the French. This isn't the French hanging out in some colony with their home country back home, where maybe a few acts of violence could work enough to, you know, the liberal population back home is like, oh, I really didn't like the response to that terrorism. We killed so many people. Forget it. This is too much of A headache. Let's get out of here. The Zionist settlers were there to stay. They weren't going anywhere. They weren't going back to Eastern Europe. But I mean, they weren't, they were just that. And so it's a tragedy that this whole thing went the way it did. But you always, whenever you're talking about like a conflict like this, the person who has the, or the party who has the power is the one who needs to make concessions, you know, and the, it's just indefensible that the status quo of the Palestinian people having no rights. Literally no rights. Being ruled by a government that they do not get to vote for or against, no right to do commerce with the outside world, no freedom of travel, no freedom of movement, no basic property rights, can be kicked out of your home at any time, no right to a fair trial, no right to a lawyer, no right to a jury of your peers. I mean, the fact that has been the status quo since 1967 is just indefensible. And then in the context that has been the status quo, I guess I'm just not, even though I'm against it, it's kind of like when you're just lecturing about the way in which they resist this. I think it's very tough to be on a strong moral footing, you know?

explains mechanism · 1

16
Claim

Israel cannot legitimately call itself a democracy when it has occupied and controlled millions of people since 1967 who have no voting rights — that is an apartheid state by definition.

Dave Smith argues that Israel cannot call itself a democracy while 5-6 million people live under Israeli control without voting rights, calling it an apartheid state by definition. He contrasts this framing with Douglas Murray's 'democracy versus death cult' framing of the conflict.

transcript

Dave Smith: The real problem is the occupation that starts in 1967. Because look, when you've occupied an area since 1967, you can't even really call it an occupation anymore. It's an annexation. You know, you took these lands. You have control. You are what the definition of the government is. And you could call Hamas the government all you want to, but they're not the sovereigns. They're not the final decision makers. Israel's the final decision maker. Hamas does not meaningfully in any way decide the biggest questions about Gaza. I'm talking before this war, not even, you know, pre-October 7th. And so the problem Israel has in order to call themselves a democracy is that there's somewhere between 5 and 6 million people, less now, because they've killed a lot of them, but there's somewhere between 5 and 6 million people who live under Israeli control who do not have voting rights. And I just, by any other reasonable, commonly held standard of democracy, we would not call that a democracy. I mean, like, I'm not, again, I'm not even saying this to try to be inflammatory or try to pick on the Israelis. There's things about Israeli society I like. I don't hate the people there. I'm Jewish. I love Jewish people. It's not, but the fact is that's not a democracy. That's an apartheid state. Like, and that's just, I'm not even trying to be inflammatory when I say this. It's just literally describing what's in front of you. If we in America right now said, black people no longer get to vote and black people can only live in these few neighborhoods. We don't get to call ourselves a democracy anymore then. You know, and like I'm not even coming at this from a pro-democracy point of view. I'm just saying like if your defense of them is like, well, we're a democracy, which seems to be the case so much. Well, no, you're really not. You're really not as long as you got millions of people who have no say in their own government. Like then you're really not a democracy.

17
Claim

Israel cannot legitimately call itself a democracy when it has occupied millions of Palestinians for over 50 years who live under Israeli control with no voting rights — that is an apartheid state.

Dave Smith argues that Israel is not a democracy because 5-6 million people live under Israeli control without voting rights. He rejects framing the conflict as 'democracy versus death cult,' noting Israel has killed far more Palestinians than vice versa.

transcript

Dave Smith: And so the problem Israel has in order to call themselves a democracy is that there's somewhere between 5 and 6 million people, less now, because they've killed a lot of them, but there's somewhere between 5 and 6 million people who live under Israeli control who do not have voting rights. And I just, by any other reasonable, commonly held standard of democracy, we would not call that a democracy. ... That's not a democracy. That's an apartheid state. ... it rings a little hollow to me to just call them a death cult. Like we're the democracy, even though none of, you know, there's millions of people who can't vote over, you know, who rules them. But they're the death cult.

18
Claim

Israel cannot legitimately call itself a democracy when it has occupied millions of Palestinians for over 60 years who have no voting rights, making it functionally an apartheid state.

Dave Smith argues that Israel cannot claim to be a democracy while controlling millions of Palestinians who have no voting rights and live under military occupation since 1967. He compares the situation to apartheid and says the 'democracy versus death cult' framing rings hollow when the side labeled democratic has killed far more people.

transcript

Dave Smith: When you've occupied an area since 1967, you can't even really call it an occupation anymore. It's an annexation. You know, you took these lands. You have control. You are what the definition of the government is. And you could call Hamas the government all you want to, but they're not the sovereigns. They're not the final decision makers. Israel's the final decision maker. Hamas does not meaningfully in any way decide the biggest questions about Gaza. I'm talking before this war, not even, you know, pre-October 7th. And so the problem Israel has in order to call themselves a democracy is that there's somewhere between 5 and 6 million people, less now, because they've killed a lot of them, but there's somewhere between 5 and 6 million people who live under Israeli control who do not have voting rights. And I just, by any other reasonable, commonly held standard of democracy, we would not call that a democracy. I mean, like, I'm not, again, I'm not even saying this to try to be inflammatory or try to pick on the Israelis. There's things about Israeli society I like. I don't hate the people there. I'm Jewish. I love Jewish people. It's not, but the fact is That's not a democracy. That's an apartheid state. Like, and that's just, I'm not even trying to be inflammatory when I say this. It's just literally describing what's in front of you. If we in America right now said, black people no longer get to vote and black people can only live in these few neighborhoods. We don't get to call ourselves a democracy anymore then. You know, and like I'm not even coming at this from a pro-democracy point of view. I'm just saying like if your defense of them is like, well, we're a democracy, which seems to be the case so much. Well, no, you're really not. You're really not as long as you got millions of people who have no say in their own government. Like then you're really not a democracy.

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